Jac VerSteeg: Picture Donald Trump at the head of an army
The 2016 presidential race hasn’t had any official votes yet. But as things are shaping up for two candidates with Florida ties – Jeb Bush and Donald Trump – the contest already has bearing on at least two constitutional issues. They are whether contributing money to candidates is a form of protected free speech; and whether the president, as commander-in-chief, can usurp Congress’ constitutional power to declare war. The specific situations that raise these issues are, first, the fact that Bush’s immense campaign fund – he and his allies reportedly already have spent $100 million on advertising – has not vaulted Jeb to a preeminent position in the polls. Second, Trump’s provocative macho military and immigration proposals have led an increasing number of critics to label him a fascist with no regard for constitutional constraints on executive power. How would commander-in-chief Trump wield military power? Most other candidates also take an aggressive military stance. Will Congress, which has been meek or inactive on this front for more than a decade, reassert its proper authority? Jeb’s embarrassing poll numbers routinely show him at 5 percent or less, or about 20 points behind Trump. If Bush’s actual election results fulfill those dismal predictions, he unquestioningly will have done his party one very big favor. He will have provided evidence to counter the mostly Democratic critics of the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling, which basically held that money is speech and super PACS can spend as much as they like. Jeb’s debacle is shaping up to provide overwhelming proof that money does not always corrupt the democratic process. True, there are all kinds of counter arguments. Trump, with his flair for attracting free media coverage, is a unique candidate. And it is likely that any post mortem of spending in 2016 elections across the board – including the House and Senate and state and local elections – would show a clear connection between spending and electoral success. But Bush and his supporters have spent so much money in such a high-profile race that it will be Exhibit No. 1 in any debate about overturning Citizens United. An interesting related question is, of course, why hasn’t spending gobs of money translated into success for Bush? The “product,” the pitch or both are faulty. However, a major factor has to be Trump’s rhetoric and its appeal to a large and motivated segment of the GOP base. Trump’s speaking style, the outrageous content of his proposals – ban all Muslims, Mexicans are rapists, etc. – his encouragement of supporters in his audiences to physically intimidate protesters, all have encouraged commentators and cartoonists to compare him to Hitler and Mussolini. Members of Congress should be looking at Trump and asking themselves what would he do as commander-in-chief? In fact, they should already have been acting to regain control over what President Barack Obama has done as commander-in-chief. Obama got America involved in Libya, which led to Benghazi. He is incrementally increasing the U.S. military’s involvement in and around Syria and has ordered thousands of air strikes against Islamic extremists. Congress, which according the constitution has sole authority to declare war, has refused through all of this to debate and approve updated authority for the president to prosecute a “war” against ISIS. That’s a shocking dereliction of duty, and it significantly affects Florida, which has a leading military presence. The cowardly motive for inaction is clear. Congress does not want to stop the president from making war, but it also does not want to approve or guide his actions. Because Congress wants to avoid blame, Congress avoids action. That could be disastrous no matter who is elected president in 2016. Pundits say Trump has no chance of being elected. They also said he would fade by now. He hasn’t. Congress should imagine him at the head of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines. That should scare Congress into action. Jac Wilder VerSteeg is a columnist for The South Florida Sun Sentinel, former deputy editorial page editor for The Palm Beach Post and former editor of Context Florida.
Showtime starting weekly series on campaign
Showtime is jumping into politics, announcing Tuesday that it will air a weekly documentary series giving viewers a behind-the-scenes look at the 2016 presidential campaign. “The Circus: Inside the Greatest Political Show on Earth” will premiere the week before the Iowa caucus, which is scheduled for Feb. 1. Showtime has not yet determined its weekly airtime. Showtime is making it together with Bloomberg Politics, and it will be hosted by that company’s Mark Halperin and John Heilemann, along with campaign strategist Mark McKinnon. Halperin and Heilemann are the authors of the political books “Game Change” and “Double Down.” Even before election year, the 2016 campaign has been a big television hit, with record viewerships for debates. “There’s more interest in this campaign than any in my lifetime,” said David Nevins, Showtime president. “The opportunity to do a weekly verite show is very interesting.” Post-campaign documentaries like “The War Room” are his model for a program that reaches behind the headlines. The candor in those projects, however, is enhanced by being aired after all the voting has taken place. The question for Showtime is whether it will get enough access for such compelling material ahead of time. If the cameras are left on long enough, people’s true natures will emerge, Nevins said. It will make for a busy campaign year for Halperin and Heilemann, who have a daily program on Bloomberg TV that is also aired on MSNBC. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
Republicans to take debate stage in race reshaped by attacks
Republican presidential candidates take the debate stage Tuesday night for the first time in a month, their race reshaped by national security threats but still dominated by outsider contenders. Now it’s Ted Cruz challenging front-runner Donald Trump. Trump will once again be standing at center stage, reflecting the billionaire businessman’s surprising dominance in the GOP primary campaign. His newest test, at least in the leadoff Iowa caucus, comes from Texas Sen. Cruz, a chief antagonist of Republican leaders in Washington. The debate will be the first for Republicans since the attacks in Paris and San Bernardino, California, that increased concerns about terrorism in the United States. Hours before the debate was to begin, officials in Los Angeles closed all schools after an emailed threat. Trump’s response to the terror attacks was to call for a total ban on Muslims entering the U.S. The proposal was roundly criticized by his rivals but appears to be resonating with some of his supporters. With less than two months until voting begins, Cruz is trying to pitch himself as a more electable alternative to Trump. The Texas senator has a robust campaign infrastructure and conservative appeal, though some Republican leaders believe his hardline positions and prickly demeanor would put him at a disadvantage in a general election contest against Democratic front-runner Hillary Clinton. Trump and Cruz have maintained a friendly relationship for months, but signs of a split have emerged in recent days, with Cruz appearing to question Trump’s judgment at a private fundraiser, according to audio obtained by The New York Times, and Trump calling Cruz “a little bit of a maniac.” Trump didn’t go after Cruz by name during a Las Vegas rally on the eve of the debate, but said the prime-time face off could turn messy. “I am giving them a chance for them to make total fools of themselves in front of millions of people,” Trump said, adding that he was expecting to be attacked. “This will not be like an evening in paradise for me. Do we agree?” he asked. Another dynamic in Tuesday’s debate involves Cruz and Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, another first-term senator and Cuban-American. Cruz and Rubio have been sparring from afar, particularly over national security. Rubio has tried to brand Cruz as an isolationist and has criticized his support for ending the bulk collection of Americans’ phone records, saying it weakens the government’s ability to identify potential terrorists. “There are some differences in policy,” Rubio said of Cruz in an interview Monday with The Associated Press. “I think we need to be the national security party, the party of strong national security, committed to ensuring we have the strongest military force in the world.” More broadly, Rubio’s campaign is eager to cast Cruz, who prides himself on being a conservative “truth-teller,” as a politically expedient flip-flopper who is willing to say whatever is necessary to win an election. Rubio’s campaign has raised questions about Cruz’s position on sending troops to the Middle East as well as whether he would allow immigrants living in the U.S. illegally to stay here. Cruz’s campaign has dismissed the criticism, with spokesman Rick Tyler saying, “Nobody believes Senator Cruz is weak on national defense and security.” The debate was being held at the Venetian Hotel, which is owned by casino magnate Sheldon Adelson, one of the GOP’s prolific donors, and he and Trump were to meet beforehand. “They are longtime friends,” said Trump spokeswoman Hope Hicks, via email. “Mr. Trump would be happy to have Mr. Adelson’s support but doesn’t want or need his money.” The debate is particularly crucial for some of the more experienced GOP politicians who have struggled to gain traction in a crowded field. That’s particularly true for former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, the former front-runner and elite fundraiser who has been languishing for months. While Bush’s advisers have brushed aside suggestions he should drop out of the race before voting begins, a weak performance would increase those calls. One establishment candidate who does appear to be gaining ground is New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie. He’s hanging his White House hopes on a strong finish in New Hampshire, where he’s winning important endorsements and climbing in preference polls. “I’ve been making executive decisions for 13 years and been held accountable for them,” Christie told the AP Monday. “There’s no other way to get ready for the presidency than that; you have to have executive experience to be successful.” Also on the main stage Tuesday night will be retired neurosurgeon Ben Carson, whose campaign is on the decline after a surge in early fall; former business executive Carly Fiorina; Ohio Gov. John Kasich and Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul. Four lower-polling candidates will appear at an earlier event: former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum, former New York Gov. George Pataki and South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
For Donald Trump’s gambling bets, some wins and losses
The first rule of gambling is sometimes you win and sometimes you lose. Not even Donald Trump was immune to that fundamental truth as he built a gambling empire. He helped Atlantic City develop its casino market into the nation’s second-largest while welcoming celebrity friends like Michael Jackson, smothering his casinos in neon purple carpeting and bringing his touch to decorating: If one chandelier is good, then 17 are better. But the debt he incurred while doing so repeatedly led the casinos into bankruptcy — a problem that also beset most other Atlantic City casinos. And his efforts to expand the empire to other states did not go so well. THE EMPIRE Trump, now a leading candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, saw potential in Atlantic City, where a real-life game of Monopoly was underway in the early 1980s. He bought up properties and started opening casinos at a rapid pace: Trump Plaza in 1984, Trump’s Castle, which would later become Trump Marina, in 1985, and the immodestly proclaimed “eighth wonder of the world,” the Trump Taj Mahal in 1990. Profits increased at all three, including from $70.8 million in 1990 at the Taj Mahal to $103.2 million in 1991. THE BANKRUPTCIES It only took the Taj Mahal a year to file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy. The next year, Trump Plaza and Trump Marina filed for bankruptcy as well. The relief was short-term. In November 2004, Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts, which operated three casinos in Atlantic City and a riverboat casino in Gary, Indiana, filed for bankruptcy, suffocated by $1.8 billion in debt that rendered it too cash-poor to keep up with competitors. It also was the beginning of the end of Trump’s control of his Atlantic City empire. As part of a pre-packaged bankruptcy reorganization, Trump agreed to turn over majority control to his bondholders while remaining the single largest individual stockholder of a company that emerged with a new name — Trump Entertainment Resorts — and half a billion dollars less debt. But by 2009, the company was back in Chapter 11. That’s when Trump says he decided to leave Atlantic City. He told The Associated Press that he made lots of money in Atlantic City and got out at just the right time. But getting out was not solely his idea. Trump resigned as chairman of the board a day before the bankruptcy filing after bondholders and their allies on the board rebuffed his offer to take the company private. Yet he retained a 10 percent ownership stake, largely for the use of his name. And during the bankruptcy, he put together a plan to buy the company back and take it private, using a slogan that may sound familiar: He told AP he would “make this company great again,” just as he says he’ll do for the country now. But when the smoke cleared, it was bondholders led by New York-based Avenue Capital Group and hedge fund titan Marc Lasry who emerged with the largest stake. Trump told anyone who would listen that none of the casino bankruptcies involved his personal fortune. And it bears noting that the cause of the bankruptcies — taking on too much debt too quickly — was something many other Atlantic City casino operators also did, sending their own casinos into bankruptcy or onto the scrap heap. Atlantic City has since fallen behind Pennsylvania in terms of the size of its casino market, and could drop more this year. THE AFTERMATH Trump Marina was sold in 2011. Trump Plaza closed in 2014, and Trump sued the company that still bore his name. He said it failed to live up to a contract mandating certain standards of quality, and was hurting his personal brand in doing so. He was particularly irked by rusty stains on the former Trump Plaza that still spelled out his name after neon letters were taken down. The company eventually painted over them, but refused to remove his name from the Taj Mahal. The Taj Mahal is being taken over by fellow billionaire Carl Icahn from bankruptcy court, and Trump’s 10 percent ownership stake has become all but worthless. But the Chairman’s Tower, a 782-room, $255 million addition to the Taj Mahal, opened under Trump’s supervision in 2008, and may still help the casino survive under Icahn’s ownership. ELSEWHERE A bid by a Trump-led consortium for one of two licenses to build casinos in Philadelphia was rejected in 2006 by state regulators who worried he might siphon off customers to New Jersey, where casinos are taxed at a lower rate. And despite his insistence during a Republican presidential debate this fall that he never sought to open a casino in Florida, former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, now a GOP presidential rival, says Trump did indeed seek the right to be able to open a casino in the state — something that never came to pass. Florida state officials say the same thing. Trump Entertainment sold its Indiana riverboat casino in 2005 as part of its exit from bankruptcy. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
FACT CHECK: Jeff Sessions played big role in Marco Rubio’s Obamacare “win”
Florida Sen. Marco Rubio says he’s the only Republican running for president who’s actually notched a win against President Barack Obama‘s health care law, widely loathed on the political right. “Last year, I stopped an Obamacare bailout and saved taxpayers $2.5 billion,” Rubio tweeted this month. The campaign has amplified that claim on Facebook and in media interviews. But Rubio’s proposals to completely repeal the health law’s “risk corridors” have gone nowhere in Congress. Other Republicans who quietly worked to successfully outwit the Obama administration on the issue say Rubio is taking credit for a victory he didn’t deliver. There’s no dispute that Rubio was among the first politicians to criticize the “risk corridors” program, which compensates insurers that sign up sicker-than-expected patients and incur high costs. Where Rubio’s frontal assault failed, an inside maneuver succeeded. The gambit in 2014 restricted the administration’s legal authority to make payments to insurers under the program, designed to help stabilize premiums in the health law’s insurance markets. The restriction was inserted into a massive government spending bill and got little notice. But it had consequences. As a result, the government could pay only $362 million of $2.87 billion in risk corridor claims from insurers for 2014. The industry says the government still owes $2.5 billion. In a statement Monday evening, campaign spokesman Alex Conant repeated the claim that Rubio “is the only candidate running for president with a signature win against Obamacare that stopped a $2.5 billion taxpayer-funded bailout of health insurance companies.” “For over a year, Marco sounded the alarm about the bailout that was coming, introduced legislation to stop it, rallied support from conservative organizations and members of Congress, and ultimately succeeded by making it a Republican priority in the spending bill that became law,” Conant said. But according to interviews and documents, the strategy and legal case for the spending restriction were developed over months of work involving the staffs of Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-Ala., and Rep. Fred Upton, R-Mich. Upton is chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee. At the time, Sessions was the ranking Republican on the Senate Budget Committee. They teamed up with former Rep. Jack Kingston, R-Ga., who chaired a panel that oversees spending on health care programs. Asked by The Associated Press who was responsible for the spending restriction, Sessions released a statement crediting his staff, along with the offices of Upton and Kingston. It pointedly omitted Rubio. “The essential feature of our joint approach was that it did not require the passage of a stand-alone bill,” Sessions said, drawing a contrast with Rubio’s approach to totally repeal risk corridors. Instead, Sessions added, his approach established that the risk corridor program was legally flawed, lacking its own permanent appropriation, or specific congressional authority, to spend money. That laid the groundwork “for successfully blocking the illicit transfer of funds in the budget bill,” Sessions said. Without the restrictive language the administration might have been able to shift funds to cover the $2.5 billion shortfall. A Sept. 30, 2014, legal opinion from the congressional Government Accountability Office validated part of the Sessions-Upton strategy. The analysis confirmed that the president’s health law failed to provide specific authority for the risk corridor payments. But there was a nuance. Under risk corridors, insurers whose medical claims costs are lower than expected in a given year pay in money to help insurers whose costs are high. GAO said those were “user fees” and the administration could still pay insurers through other health care accounts endowed with broad spending authority. Those accounts could also be used to shift additional funding in case insurer payments into the program were insufficient. Along with Kingston, Sessions and Upton sprang the trap, crafting a one-sentence budget provision that blocked the administration from covering any shortfalls. Paul Winfree, a former Sessions staff member credited by his boss for uncovering the flaw in the health law, said that Rubio’s role was raising awareness about risk corridors. “But most of the work that led to the actual stopping of the bailout wasn’t Rubio,” Winfree said. “That was based on other members.” Winfree now works on economic policy at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank. Kingston, now a principal with a major Washington law firm, said he doesn’t remember dealing with Rubio. But he added he thought it was possible Sessions and Rubio could have been working together. Sessions did sign an Oct. 2014 letter circulated by Rubio to former House Speaker John Boehner, outlining legal concerns about the administration’s authority to make risk corridor payments. Brian Blase, a former Republican staffer with the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, said Rubio raised concerns. “It’s not fair to say he was solely responsible, but it is fair to say he raised the initial concerns,” said Blase, now working on health care policy at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University in Virginia. Rubio actually voted against the 2014 spending bill that contained the risk corridors restriction, but so did Sessions and a number of other Senate Republicans. The bill passed. Rubio has aggressively promoted his risk corridors role on the presidential campaign trail. In a Fox Business interview earlier this month, Rubio again took full credit. “Last year, I was successful in getting language at the end of the year in the budget bill that took that bailout money away,” he told host Neil Cavuto. It’s also not clear whether that will be permanent. The administration says it will pay outstanding risk corridor claims with money collected in future years. If that doesn’t happen, some legal experts say insurers may be able to take the government to court. Republished with permission of The Associated Press.
Police report blames Marcus Lundy for starting fight; charges pending
Alabama Today has obtained the police report from Tuesday’s scuffle at Birmingham City Hall between Mayor William Bell and City Councilman Marcus Lundy at about 11 a.m. Tuesday. The two came to blows in the Mayor’s Office during a City Council meeting. Early reports indicated the fight started over a consultant who contracts with the city, but later reports from the police said the brawl broke out after Lundy’s use of a city-owned car was revoked. The police report charges Lundy with one count of third-degree assault, calling him the aggressor in the confrontation. Police say Lundy grabbed Bell and “put him in a chokehold” after forcibly preventing him from leaving a room behind Council Chambers, where city business was actively being conducted. Earlier reports indicated a man was heard to say “No! No!” from inside the room. The police report indicates those words were uttered by Bell, fending off an attack from Lundy. Jose Perry and Chris Mosley, both aides to Lundy, pulled the councilman off Bell, according to police. Both Perry and Mosley are listed as witnesses, as was Tyrone Silmon, an assistant to the mayor’s office. The police report says Silmon heard the disturbance from an adjoining room and tried to enter but Mosley closed the door on him. When Silmon forced the door open the three men were standing in the room, the altercation evidently already broken up. Mosley reportedly refused to give a statement to police when asked by an officer. Police said Bell was left with a bruise on the right side of his neck and swelling of his left knee. An earlier photo released by Council President Johnathan Austin shows scratches and bleeding on the back of Lundy’s lower left leg. City sources told Alabama Today the car was retrieved by the city because it’s illegal for a city councilor to drive it. The sources also said Lundy came up with a cover story for his attack on Bell, saying the Mayor called Regions Bank – Lundy’s employer – to demand he be fired. Sources also say a warrant for Lundy’s arrest is imminent. News reports indicated Bell may have called Lundy’s employer, Regions Bank, and demanded his dismissal, but Bell denies doing so. For more on this developing story, see State law may have prohibited Marcus Lundy from driving city-owned vehicle. Read the full police report here.
Gov. Robert Bentley ends turbulent year
For Alabama Gov. Robert Bentley, you could say 2015 was a turbulent year: He removed the Confederate flags from the state Capitol, where they’d flown for decades, waged a tax-hike battle with lawmakers, and saw his marriage of 50 years come apart. In a wide-ranging interview with The Associated Press, Bentley discussed the past year and the outlook for 2016. He said Dianne Bentley‘s decision to end their marriage caught him off guard. And he called his decisions to endorse tax increases and remove Confederate flags the right things to do. Alabama’s general fund budget is again the top legislative challenge, and he anticipates a lottery will be one of the ideas lawmakers debate. But he said Alabama can’t afford to expand Medicaid without additional revenue. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
Scuffle breaks out between Birmingham Mayor William Bell and Councilman Marcus Lundy
Birmingham Mayor William Bell and City Councilman Marcus Lundy got into a dustup in the mayor’s office during a City Council meeting Tuesday morning, according to the city police department. AL.com first reported that the incident may have been over a consultant with a pending contract with the city. Police Chief A.C. Roper responded to the scene at City Hall, where paramedics tended Bell, who came away with a swollen neck. Both Bell and Lundy were subsequently taken to the hospital. Originally reports indicated Lundy grabbed Bell to stop the mayor from leaving a back room where the two had been discussing the consultant. Council President Johnathan Austin, however, implied Tuesday afternoon that it was Bell who assaulted Lundy. Bell was said to have contacted Regions, Lundy’s employer, to say the councilman ought to be fired, but Bell disputed that account. Both men were escorted to the hospital by police Tuesday morning, Roper said. “Violence is never the answer regardless of the location,” Roper said. “It’s extremely concerning, not just for me, but for our entire city so we’ll conduct a thorough investigation and try to get to the bottom of exactly what happened and what precipitated this incident.” Birmingham police said they are considering pressing charges against one or both men. Council President Austin said Lundy will press charges against Bell, but wouldn’t say who he thought began the fight. A photo provided by Austin, seen below, shows blood and scratches on the back of Lundy’s leg. It’s unclear at this time just how Lundy received the injuries. “We have worked continuously to move this city forward, and it’s a sad day when council members are attacked while trying to do the job that they were elected to do,” Austin said Tuesday afternoon. Bell received CT and MRI scans at a Birmingham hospital. The city’s official Twitter account Tuesday evening read simply, “Thank you for all the thoughts and prayers.” For more on the developing story, see Police report blames Marcus Lundy for starting fight with William Bell; charges pending. Hear audio footage of the dustup here.
White House, congressional negotiators near agreement on spending, tax cut deal
White House and congressional negotiators moved toward clinching a tax and spending compromise that would cap Congress’ year by extending numerous tax credits and financing government agencies in 2016. Eleventh-hour differences remained over Republican efforts to lift a ban on U.S. oil exports. House Speaker Paul Ryan said Tuesday morning that the deal would be released later in the day and come to a vote on Thursday. That would require passage of another short-term spending bill since government funding expires Wednesday at midnight. “I’m not going to predict how the vote count is going to go down. Look, in negotiations like this you win some, you lose some. Democrats won some, they lost some. We won some, we lost some,” Ryan, R-Wis., said at a breakfast hosted by Politico. “At the end of the day we’re going to get this done.” But on the Senate floor, Minority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., said Democrats would not relent on demands that in exchange for allowing American crude oil exports for the first time in four decades, his party wanted provisions aimed at encouraging alternative energy development and protecting Obama administration efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. “If Republicans think reducing our carbon emissions and encouraging use of alternative energy is an unacceptable price to pay, we can move the rest of the package” without lifting the oil export ban, Reid said. He added, “It’s decision time.” Appearing with Ryan, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., avoided offering details but spoke of the benefits of a long-term deal to extend dozens of tax breaks sought by lawmakers on both sides. McConnell said such a deal would make a larger tax reform package easier to achieve next year, while satisfying business goals, including extending a research and development tax credit and a popular deduction for equipment purchases. “Making those permanent is, I think, an important shot in the arm to our economy,” McConnell said. A major priority for the GOP and some Democrats was lifting the 40-year-old bar against exporting U.S. crude oil, a remnant of the 1970s oil shortages that industry supporters consider unneeded with today’s explosion of domestic oil extraction. Critics say ending the prohibition would be a windfall to big oil companies that would damage the environment by encouraging more drilling. In exchange, Democrats were seeking concessions including renewing tax breaks for solar and wind energy producers for five years and reviving an environmental conservation fund. Democrats also wanted to block GOP efforts to roll back Obama administration environmental regulations, including one setting new emission standards for power generating plants. Negotiators had sorted through remaining disputes over environment, labor and other provisions in a $1.1 trillion bill financing federal agencies for 2016. The final package is expected to ignore conservative demands for language clamping down on Syrian refugees entering the U.S. Instead it would contain changes to the “visa waiver” program that allows visa-free travel to the U.S. for citizens of 38 countries, including France and Belgium, where many of the Paris attackers were from. Lobbyists said the spending package would likely lack a provision pushed by House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., easing curbs against gun violence research by the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Also in play were about 50 lapsed and expiring business and individual tax breaks that the two sides were looking to extend, in some cases permanently. The price tag of the overall package was unclear but it could mushroom to several hundred billion dollars over a decade, which would further add to federal deficits. “If I can play it right, both sides should walk out of here feeling pretty good,” said Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, chairman of the tax-writing Senate Finance Committee. Lobbyists said bargainers had tentatively agreed to postpone the launch of a tax on high-value health insurance plans from 2018 to 2020. There may also be a two-year pause in the existing 2.3 percent medical device tax and a one-year suspension of a levy currently imposed on health insurers, which the companies generally pass on to customers as higher premiums. Those three taxes were boosted as part of President Barack Obama‘s 2010 health care overhaul to pay for the law’s expanded coverage for millions of people. The administration has long resisted unraveling that statute, but there is strong bipartisan support in Congress for easing those taxes. The two sides also were working to make some expiring business tax credits permanent in exchange for doing the same to tax breaks for children, college students and lower-earning families. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
New Hampshire GOP leaders fret over crowded 2016 field
The Republican establishment has flexed its muscle in New Hampshire’s presidential primaries for years. But in the unpredictable 2016 election, the state’s standard political playbook faces challenges on two fronts. Donald Trump‘s brash brand of populism is resonating with voters, and he’s sustained a commanding lead in statewide preference polls for months. While several experienced politicians are well-liked, some party elites fear none will emerge as a consensus choice in time for the Feb. 9 primary, allowing Trump to win a plurality. “If the center-right doesn’t coalesce here, it runs the risk of allowing a far-right, ideological candidate to go unchecked,” said Tom Rath, a New Hampshire-based Republican strategist backing Ohio Gov. John Kasich. Kasich is competing most directly for support with New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush and Florida Sen. Marco Rubio. Some centrist voters are fond of former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina, but she is lagging behind the others. A decisive victory in New Hampshire could reset a race dominated by Trump’s unexpected durability. A weak showing would leave the establishment – generally understood to mean party leaders and insiders, mainstream donors and other influential figures who avoid the ideological extreme – with few options for a quick rebound. The primary is sandwiched between contests in Iowa and South Carolina that favor conservatives. Centrist candidates will have to survive the Southern states that vote in the delegate-rich contests March 1 – Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia – before the race turns to more hospitable territory. With less than two months until voting begins, some in New Hampshire’s establishment see Christie as best-positioned to carry their presidential hopes out of New England. Christie has been a constant presence in New Hampshire for months, despite being largely ignored in national political circles, and has begun to pull in big endorsements. “The excitement is with Governor Christie,” said Jeb Bradley, the state Senate majority leader. Bradley endorsed Christie this month and said that among the experienced politicians running, “he represents the best chance to win.” Still, Bradley added, “Mr. Trump is pretty strong.” Trump, a billionaire real estate mogul and reality television star, has shown little sympathy for the establishment’s woes. “I’m sorry I did this to you, but you got to get used to it,” Trump said on “Fox News Sunday.” Republican leaders are worried about more than Trump. Some are equally wary of Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, an uncompromising conservative deemed unelectable as president by some GOP leaders, ultimately siphoning off Trump’s support. Even if Christie’s standing strengthens, it’s unlikely he can clear the field before the primary. Kasich and Bush are largely staking their bids on New Hampshire, where they are spending significant time and money. Rubio has endeared himself to more mainstream Republicans despite being ushered into office as part of the 2010 tea party wave. His advisers believe he can pull support from a broader pool of voters than can the three governors. “People who have traditionally been active in the party are spread across a whole series of major candidates,” said Judd Gregg, a Bush supporter and former U.S. senator from New Hampshire. It’s not like 2012, Gregg said, when most officeholders past and present backed Mitt Romney, the eventual nominee. To Fergus Cullen, a former New Hampshire GOP chairman, the establishment candidates are “all so clustered that anyone can win that bracket.” So far, Republican operatives – some insisting on anonymity to discuss private conversations – say there is no organized effort to persuade one of those candidates to leave the race before the primary in order to narrow voters’ choices. But there have been preliminary discussions about what to do if four or five of those candidates finish within a few percentage points of each other in New Hampshire and all want to stay in the race. Republicans have discussed asking a party leader such as 2012 GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney or House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wisconsin, to step in at that point and help broker exits for some candidates. These strategists said Romney and Ryan have not been approached about doing that and probably wouldn’t be until after the primary. Cullen said he hopes the whittling down happens “organically.” He suggested that even if the experienced politicians finished bunched together, those at the bottom may have no choice but to step aside. “A pretty good candidate is going to finish sixth or seventh in New Hampshire,” he said. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
Donald Trump supporters shrug off the fuss over Muslim travel ban
The fuss over Donald Trump seems largely lost on many of those who support him. Where his critics see bigotry, they see common sense. At Rosie’s Hotdogs in upstate South Carolina, Tracy Hooker isn’t interested in debating the merits of Trump’s proposal to temporarily block Muslims from coming into the United States. She knows some think it’s xenophobic. That others argue it’s impractical, legally dubious, or both. And that every other Republican running for president has, in some way or another, rejected the idea that it is even worth talking about. That’s why she says Trump is ‘‘my guy.’’ He’s the only one who gets it. ‘‘Think about it,’’ Hooker, 47, said of the Muslim tourists, immigrants, and refugees Trump wants to bar from coming to the United States. ‘‘You don’t know if they like us. You don’t know if they hate us,.’’ She added: ‘‘You don’t know why they’re here.’’ An NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll last week found that a solid majority of Americans, 57 percent, opposed Trump’s proposal. A CBS News poll also found nearly 6 in 10 Americans oppose the ban, with two-thirds saying it goes against the country’s founding principles. But Republicans are far more receptive: 54 percent voiced support for the ban in the CBS poll. While Trump trailed Senator Ted Cruz of Texas in a new Republican presidential preference poll in Iowa, conducted by the Des Moines Register and Bloomberg News, he continues to lead the field nationwide. A CNN survey taken Dec. 4 showed Trump with 36 percent support among registered Republicans overall. To the dozens of Trump supporters interviewed in the past week by the Associated Press in the first-to-vote states of Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina, the near universal condemnation of the billionaire’s plan on Muslim travel is simply baffling. After the Paris and San Bernardino, Calif., terrorist attacks, these voters say, only Trump is taking on what they believe is a clear and present danger to the United States. ‘‘When you’re in war, you have to take steps that are not American to protect yourself and defend the country,’’ said Margaret Shontz, of Cedar Falls, Iowa, as she arrived at a Trump campaign stop in Des Moines on Friday. Trump’s call to bar Muslims from coming to America is ‘‘awesome.’’ ‘‘Very needed,’’ she said. ‘‘Very necessary.’’ By their own description, Trump supporters are frustrated and angry about the direction of the nation. They fret over the economy, feel betrayed by the nation’s immigration policy, and worry America has lost its way on the world stage. In interviews with the AP, they argued Trump’s plan for Muslims who want to come to the United States is a bold proposal that regular politicians are too timid to make. They feel the criticism that comes from those same politicians is rooted in the weakness Trump promises to sweep away. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
Alabama officials stress preparedness in shooting situations
Law enforcement officials in Alabama are making a point for training and preparedness in shooting situations. Alabama Law Enforcement Agency leaders said about 67 percent of law enforcement officers in the state have been trained for active-shooter situations, the TimesDaily reported. That number is up from the approximately 30 percent reported in early 2013. Active shooter situations are different than other emergencies. “It’s the way the call comes in,” said Col. John Richardson, director of public safety. “Most likely, in an active shooter, you’re going to get numerous 911 calls back to back, and you’re going to have someone with probably a high-powered long rifle or fully automatic handgun, and they’re injuring and killing multiple people.” Richardson and other officials spoke about preparedness in the wake of last week’s mass shooting in California. They also demonstrated the computerized training simulator that mimics a workplace shooting with multiple victims and an active shooter. He said the way law enforcement responds to these situations has changed. ALEA Chief of Staff Hal Taylor said this week the average active-shooter situation lasts about 12 minutes or less, which is the average response time for law enforcement in Alabama. Taylor says approximately 10,600 officers who have so far received the training include county sheriff’s deputies and municipal police. “We’re prepared for everything. Anything from a ballgame to a Talladega race,” Taylor said. “Anything that’s big, we’re going to have people there.” ALEA has taught about 18,000 Alabamians the “Run, Hide, Fight” program in case of shootings. Several college campuses within the state are trying to continue to upgrade safety measures. The Alabama State Department of Education encourages “Run, Hide, Fight” training for schools, as well as coordination with local law enforcement. All schools are required to have safety plans. Republished with permission of the Associated Press.
