Libertarian Senate candidate John Sophocleus campaigns for votes
The Libertarian candidate for U.S. Senate John Sophocleus, addressed Alabama Libertarians in a Facebook event hosted by the Libertarians Party of Greater Jefferson County at the Mountain Brook Library on Wednesday. Sophocleus is a career college instructor, historian, and economist who resides in Lee County. “I am the Libertarian candidate for Senate,” Sophocleus said. “I am a retired instructor.” Sophocleus said that he was upset with, “How much money we waste on redistribution of wealth” in this country. “I am the best candidate of the three,” running for Senate Sophocleus said. “I am trying to bring competition to Alabama politics.” Sophocleus said that he requires his students to read the United States Constitution. Sophocleus said that he has had students who were serving in the U.S. armed forces tell him, “Wow, I took an oath to uphold the Constitution, and I had no idea what is in that until I actually had to read it.” “I have been an Alabama Gazette columnist for 13 years,” Sophocleus continued. “I have worked with people on Capitol Hill including (former Congressman) Dick Armey.” “The huge amount of redistributive activity that is going on is the main thing that I would like to stop,” Sophocleus said. Sophocleus and the Libertarian candidate for Governor of Alabama, Dr. James “Jimmy” Blake, were both asked about the Alabama prison crisis. “I am running for federal office, and the prison system it is by and large a state office issue, but I have spoken to Cam Ward, who is the Director of Pardons and Paroles,” Sophocleus said. Sophocleus has been an instructor in the prisons, among numerous other teaching assignments – most notably at Auburn University, Auburn University Montgomery, and Clemson. “They are not using the resources that are available to give them the skills they need when they (the prisoners) get out,” Sophocleus said. “Decreasing recidivism is the biggest long-term solution.” “The recidivism reduction is increasingly important,” Sophocleus said. “There are people that should be punished for their crimes, but we also need people that could be productive when they get out.” Sophocleus claimed, “I know the BCA and my opponent want to devote more money to the prison complex.” “Kay Ivey has sold her soul to the Business Council of Alabama,” Sophocleus said, urging voters to vote for Blake for Governor instead of Gov. Ivey. “In the Senate race, it is an open seat. None of the three candidates are incumbents. It is time to send a message.” Sophocleus slammed outgoing Senator Richard Shelby calling him “Cash Register Shelby,” who changed his Democratic ‘blue gang jersey’ for a Republican ‘red gang jersey.’ “50 of our 65 (Libertarian) candidates are in two candidate races,” Sophocleus said. “We are tired of the gangs of the duopoly. Break up the gangs.” Sophocleus made claims that the Constitution would work if the government would just do those things that it is authorized to do in the Constitution. “The Libertarian Party started 50 years ago because of their anger at the Republicans and Richard Nixon for closing the gold window,” Sophocleus said. “We have done a lot of damage in respect to inflation and how we have devalued our currency.” Sophocleus said that gold was trading at $40 an ounce in 1972 when Nixon chose to let the dollar float as a completely unbacked currency. “What does it cost to get an ounce of gold today? $1800? Americans – they hope that the dollars they save will have a value.” “When you have all of these pages of wealth transfer, it is going to only get worse,” Sophocleus said of the tax code. “President [Joe] Biden is playing games with the strategic reserve and oil prices.” Sophocleus said that there is no incentive for Congress to “stop the spending,” because “bond yields are so ridiculously low that there is no consequences to keep adding to it (the debt).” “All federal drug laws are unconstitutional – period,” Sophocleus said. “How we know that is when we wanted to have a war on alcohol, we passed an amendment. This document (holding up his pocket Constitution) does not empower the federal government to do what it does.” Sophocleus faces Republican nominee Katie Britt and Democratic nominee Will Boyd in the November 8 general election. To connect with the author of this story, or to comment, email brandonmreporter@gmail.com.
Libertarian candidate for Governor, Jimmy Blake, discusses issues
On Wednesday, Libertarian nominee for Governor, Dr. James “Jimmy” Blake, addressed voters online in a forum hosted by the Jefferson County Libertarian Party at the Mountain Brook Library. Blake said he had recently attended the “Break the Chains” rally organized by the families of prisoners of the Alabama Department of Corrections (ADOC). Blake said that he was moved “When you heard the stories and saw the videos that the families brought in there.” “The people of Alabama are a very decent bunch of people, and I don’t know whether politicians think they will be seen as soft on crime or they think that people just don’t care,” Blake said, urging the state to care for its prisoners better. According to a report by the Trump Department of Justice, the Alabama prison system is the most dangerous in the country. The state is facing a DOJ lawsuit alleging that incarceration with ADOC is an unconstitutional “cruel and unusual punishment,” banned by the Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Blake chastised legislators and the Ivey administration for not focusing on the problem. “I think we are focused on sending money to favored contractors,” Blake said, criticizing the state for “Spending $400 million that was supposed to go to the people for COVID relief” to build new mega prisons. Blake said that he favored housing the prisoners in a more humane environment. “They want people to be rehabilitated and not more dangerous than when they went in there,” Blake explained. Even though Blake is running for governor, he still weighed in on the U.S. Senate race to chastise Republicans. “They had a guy who was a small government conservative in Mo Brooks,” Blake said. “They said so many outrageous things about him that were untrue and then chose a BCA lobbyist (referring to Katie Britt). We have a guy who knows what the government is supposed to be doing in John Sophocleus.” Blake said that the Libertarian Party was created 50 years ago when Republican President Richard Nixon devalued the currency by getting off of the gold standard. “A 1964 dime is 95% silver,” Blake said. “It is worth over two dollars today. A 2022 Biden dime is worth ten cents, and in a year, it will be worth nine cents a year from now due to inflation.” Blake chastised incumbent Gov. Kay Ivey for rejecting structural tax changes and what he called the corrupt duopoly of the two major political parties. Blake argued against laws banning marijuana, saying that Prohibition only creates “black markets,” detailing how Prohibition in the 1920s increased crime and violence while also leading to harder alcohol and alcohol poisoning. “You wouldn’t have fentanyl” if drugs were legal, Blake said. “Your liability would be too high.” Blake is a former U.S. Air Force flight surgeon who flew nuclear strike F4 Phantom fighters in Europe during the Cold War. He graduated from Auburn University and went to medical school at UAB on an Air Force scholarship. Blake served eight years on the Birmingham City Council. He also led the RAPS group that opposed the MAPS effort by then Birmingham Mayor Richard Arrington to build a domed stadium and other projects by raising taxes across Jefferson County. Blake is a former chairman of the Libertarian Party of Alabama. He started the first free-standing “urgent care” healthcare clinic in Alabama – American Family Care. After leaving that business, Blake practiced medicine in the Hoover area. More recently, Blake has practiced emergency medicine at rural hospitals. Blake’s wife was killed in a tragic car accident. This is the first time Libertarians have had ballot access in Alabama in twenty years. Blake is challenging incumbent Gov. Ivey. Ivey has led the state since 2017. Yolanda Flowers is the Democratic Party nominee for Governor of Alabama. There are also two write-in candidates campaigning for governor. The general election is on November 8. Voters must have a valid photo ID to participate in any Alabama election. To connect with the author of this story, or to comment, email brandonmreporter@gmail.com.
Bill Chitwood: A MAGA call to action following Joe Biden’s Red Speech
It’s being called the Red Speech, the Bloody Speech, and even Bloody Thursday. The White House calls it “Remarks…On the Continued Battle for the Soul of the Nation”. Time will tell what label it ultimately carries down in history, but one thing is certain. Thursday, September 1, 2022, was THE speech that will define Joe Biden’s presidency. The iconic picture has been seared into the national consciousness: Joe Biden, arms outstretched behind the Presidential podium, Independence Hall bathed in blood-red with white wings above and uniformed troops below. If you’re a fan of WWII documentaries on the History Channel, it was all too familiar in a nightmarish, I-can’t-believe-they-did-that kind of way. The staging was calculated to convey a message of strength and authority in support of a President with dismal ratings, an abysmal performance in office, and lingering (and steadily growing) concerns about the legitimacy of his election. What it did was invoke images of Nuremberg rallies, and the very Nazis Biden and his cronies accuse MAGA Republicans of being. The rhetoric started with the usual platitudes. Biden invoked the Declaration and the Constitution. He spoke about ‘We, the People.’ And then, he called his main political rival and all those who support him “an extremism that threatens the very foundations of our republic.” What’s more, Biden didn’t stop there. “But there is no question that the Republican Party today is dominated, driven, and intimidated by Donald Trump and the MAGA Republicans, and that is a threat to this country,” he said. The huge grinding sound just then was millions of brains stripping their mental gears. Threat to the country? Did he just say that we’re threats to democracy? Enemies of the State? No, he couldn’t; he wouldn’t…yeah, he did. As the shock set in, the rest of what Biden said just slid by. It was the most un-Presidential thing many of us can ever remember, even during the most vicious of elections. This wasn’t merely campaign rhetoric–it came across to many, on both sides of the aisle, as tantamount to a declaration of war against Biden’s opponents. President of all the people, Joe? Seriously? When you’ve just called 70+ million of Americans “threats to democracy”? The rest of the Red Speech was pretty standard Democrat pre-election fare: Big Lies about the election, economy, what evil things the Right does (basically, a laundry list of the Left’s playbook, projected on those across the aisle), and how awesome a future fueled by trans-empowered unicorn flatulence and pixie dust is going to be. As an exercise in primitive, infantile defense mechanisms thinly disguised as political rhetoric, the transcript is worth reading. Otherwise, now that the shock has worn off, it’s hardly worth the time. What will make the Red Speech remembered is just how far over the line it went, and how it perfectly laid out the mindset of the Democratic Party and its radical Leftist controllers in the 2022 election cycle. Old Joe said the country was at an “inflection point”. The Red Speech made sure of it. Biden’s handlers obviously realized they’d gone too far when the very next day, Biden repudiated his own statements about MAGA Republicans being “threats”. Of course, there are still the comments about MAGA Patriots being semi-fascists, and needing f-15s, and all the rest, but hey! Joe backtracked himself, so it’s okay, right? Sorry, no. What’s said is said. The country has been polarized for years, and it’s only been increasing since Biden took office. A YouGov.com poll done August 20-23 and released less than a week before the Red Speech showed that 66% of Americans thought political divisions had gotten worse since 2021, and 60% anticipate an increase in political violence in the next few years. Worryingly, 14% of Americans think a civil war is “very likely in the next decade”, and 43% say it’s “at least somewhat likely.” If you’re a “strong Republican”–one of those who Biden calls a “threat to this country”, those numbers are 22% and 33%, respectively. A poll by the Southern Poverty Law Center earlier this year found much the same. After the Red Speech? Five days later, the Trafalgar Group released a reaction poll, and 56.8% of all respondents asked about the Red Speech agreed that “It represents a dangerous escalation in rhetoric and is designed to incite conflict among Americans.” This wasn’t just a bunch of extreme Ultra MAGA semi-fascists. 18.7% of Democrats and 62.4% of Independents agreed with 89.1% of Republicans on this issue. YouGov’s trackers show that 52% of respondents think the economy is “getting worse,” and 63% think the country is going in the “wrong direction” isn’t helping, either. History’s verdict will be a long time coming, but right now, the Red Speech is shaping up to be the biggest Presidential event screw-up since Richard Nixon tried to cover up his 5 o’clock shadow with pancake makeup before his first debate with JFK. It was Barack Obama’s “bitter clingers” and Hillary Clinton’s “basket of Deplorables” on steroids, staged by Leni Riefenstahl and delivered by the Hair Sniffer in Chief. The Red Speech portends what we can expect if MAGA candidates lose in 2022. The Left believes it successfully won (or “reinforced”, without any real consequences) the election of 2020. With their Hopium Dreams of a Happy No-Carbon Climate, Diverse, Inclusive, Equitable Utopia so close at hand, they have no incentive NOT to do the same thing in this cycle, and again in 2024. The only thing standing in their way are those evil extremist semi-fascist Ultra MAGA Republicans and the Orange Man Bad who leads them. And so, the Red Speech was given, the gauntlet thrown, and the stakes made plain. If the denizens of the Left are allowed to continue unchecked, the full force of the Regime will be unleashed on the MAGA Movement. Lois Lerner’s IRS persecution of Tea Party members will be a fond memory compared to what Biden’s 87K “lethal force” IRS agents will do to every MAGA supporter
Will Sellers: Saint Hannah and her sinner son
The summer of 1974 in Washington DC was a political bullfight; there was one bull, but a host of matadors, picadors, and spectators galore just waiting to watch President Richard Nixon in his last gasps of political power. Congressional hearings, articles of impeachment, and an administration completely insular and unstable were all coming to a simultaneous head. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger metaphorically described this as the highest pinnacles of success descending into the deepest valleys of distress. Over the course of the prior few years, President Nixon had won the largest landslide election victory to that point in history, successfully concluded American involvement in Vietnam, and achieved the monumental foreign policy objectives of detente with the USSR, stability in the Middle East, and rapprochement with China. But in August 1974, all these achievements were forgotten, and with an atmosphere of political intrigue thick with smiling hatred, the bull in the ring faced the final cut. Almost everyone had deserted him as key members of his staff faced indictment, trials, and prison. The Supreme Court unanimously ruled he had to provide tape-recorded conversations to prosecutors, the House Judiciary Committee passed the first article of impeachment for obstruction of justice, and a group of key legislators informed him that he didn’t have the votes in the Senate to avoid removal from office. Nixon even called Alabama Governor George Wallace to enlist his support, but Wallace refused to intervene on his behalf with members of the Alabama congressional delegation and other Boll Weevil Democrats. After the call with Wallace, Nixon turned to Chief of Staff Alexander Haig and said, “Well, Al, there goes the presidency.” And so the true “man in the arena” faced the final curtain all alone. The day before, on national television, Nixon announced his intention to resign, and now, on the morning of August 9, in an impromptu moment, Nixon addressed the White House staff for the last time as president. In what has been described as rambling, unprepared, and certainly unscripted remarks, Nixon, perhaps for the only time, opened his soul and summed up his life’s work. These off-the-cuff remarks were recorded, and for history’s sake, transcribed for all of see. In the midst of a rambling apology, Nixon reflected on his youth and his parents and then, out of the blue and with no context, said: “Nobody will ever write a book, probably, about my mother. Well, I guess all of you would say this about your mother – my mother was a saint. And, I think of her, two boys dying of tuberculosis, nursing four others in order that she could take care of my older brother for three years in Arizona and seeing each of them die, and when they died, it was like one of her own. Yes, she will have no books written about her. But she was a saint.” An old saying, perhaps, said to comfort women of a different age and justify their sacrifices states: “The hand that rocks the cradle, rules the world.” So, Nixon’s mother, Hannah Milhous, at least for five-and-a-half years, ruled the world. No book has ever been written about her, but the life of Hannah Nixon and the impact she had on her son and his consequential role in American politics and international affairs is worth consideration. Hannah Milhous was born in 1885 in Butlerville, Indiana, into a devout Quaker family of farmers. She was one of nine children; seven girls and two boys. Her father, Franklin, was an orchardist, who, seeing brighter days ahead, moved his entire family to California in 1897 to establish a tree nursery and orange grove with other Quakers in Whittier, California. While a “birthright” Quaker, Hannah’s branch of the faith expressed itself in a more evangelical bent, and at the age of 18, she had a religious experience that made her very devout and committed. Hannah was intelligent, and after completing high school, she attended Whittier College, where, by all accounts, she made good grades and was on the path to becoming a teacher. No stranger to hard work, she helped her mother with various household tasks, assisted with her father’s farm, and stayed up late each night studying. Her life would be forever changed when, at a Quaker Valentine’s Day party, she met Frank Nixon. They feel in love and married four months later. Hannah’s family never really approved of Frank and thought she had married beneath her. The fact that she married before finishing college was also a sore spot with Hannah’s family, who never seemed to warm up to Frank. But Hannah truly loved her husband, and, having completed her sophomore year of college, seemed ready to start her own family. Within a year of their marriage, Harold Nixon was born, followed by Richard in 1913. She had five sons in all, named after the early English kings; Richard, for the Richard the Lion-Hearted. By all accounts, Frank was uncouth, argumentative, and a tough father. Upon his marriage to Hannah, he converted to the Quaker faith but never truly left his Methodist roots. Hannah was the complete opposite – quiet and inclined to see both sides of an issue. She was also compassionate, and one area of disagreement with Frank was Hannah’s willingness to help the destitute. Frank wanted someone to work before receiving assistance, but Hannah would never turn away a tramp from the door and ran the household like a charitable operation. Even when the family had enough money to employ a “hired girl,” Hannah insisted that the servant eat with them at the table. Hannah was religious and committed to her faith, but she was also had a deep sense of privacy and was not a show-off when it came to piety. At night, she went into her closet to say her prayers. As was true of most Quakers, neither she nor Frank smoked, drank, or cursed, and she expected that her children would accept these same restraints. Hannah’s influence was so
Steve Flowers: TV still drives the vote
After the 1960 John F. Kennedy vs. Richard Nixon classic presidential contest, television became the medium for political campaigns. TV became the new campaign strategy in Alabama in 1962. George Wallace, Big Jim Folsom, and Ryan DeGraffenried used TV that year for the first time. Unfortunately for Big Jim Folsom, his use of TV was the demise of his storied political career. His appearance on a live 30-minute paid television show was one of the most colorful stories in Alabama politics. He came on TV drunk as Cooter Brown. That’s a story for another day. Wallace and Folsom were used to campaigning one-on-one and asking folks for their vote. They stumped and had rallies in every county and hamlet in the state. However, in the end, they succumbed to the politics of TV. It has not changed but has become more pronounced over the last 60 years. This 2022 campaign for our open senate seat is nothing more than a TV show. TV has become such an integral part of getting elected to a U.S. Senate Seat that it appears that what you do now is just raise money or, if you have a lot of your own money, spend your own money and buy and design effective TV ads. The day of actually campaigning appears to be over. The only candidate who made an effort to campaign in every county, shake hands and meet folks was Katie Britt. By the way, she is the only real Alabamian in the race. Katie Britt’s grassroots campaign organization is what propelled her to an incredible commanding lead heading into the June 21 runoff. It looked for a while in our U.S. Senate race that a real outsider, Mike Durant, would be in the June 21 runoff with Katie Britt. However, the original frontrunner, Mo Brooks, clawed back to claim second place. As a lifelong follower of Alabama politics, I long for and yearn for the day when state candidates actually get out and met and talked with Alabamians one on one. Not to sound too provincial or old-fashioned, I believe that a person who wants to be Alabama’s U. S. Senator ought to really know Alabama and the people of the state. They ought to at least know what’s important to folks in our state, from Mobile to Scottsboro and Dothan to Tuscaloosa. They ought to know the intricacies and nuances of places and what industries and federal dollars mean to their locales. They need to know how important military dollars are to Huntsville, Montgomery, and the Wiregrass and also how much agriculture means to rural Alabama. In short, they should know some folks in Alabama if they are going to be their U.S. Senator. With Katie Britt in the runoff, she has truly campaigned and not just been a phantom TV candidate who flew in from New Hampshire or Colorado and tried to buy our Senate Seat and run as a celebrity POW hero. If we want to elect someone to our U.S. Senate Seat who is a celebrity and knows nothing about how to be a U.S. Senator for Alabama, then we have some folks that are qualified and are real celebrities and real Alabamians. We have two who come to mind who are a lot more famous and would be better. They are real Alabamians. Allow me to suggest Lionel Richie and Randy Owen. Lionel Ritchie was born and raised in Tuskegee and spent the first 25 to 30 years of his life in Macon County before he became world-famous. Randy Owen, the legendary lead singer, and founder of the band Alabama has never left his home in Alabama. He is Alabama-born and bred. He still lives in DeKalb County, where he was born. He walks his land and takes care of his prized black angus cattle every day. These two guys are real, sure enough Alabama celebrities and would make a lot better Senator for Alabama than some semi-Alabamian. See you next week. Steve Flowers is Alabama’s leading political columnist. His weekly column appears in over 60 Alabama newspapers. He served 16 years in the state legislature. Steve may be reached at www.steveflowers.us.
George Wallace Jr.: 50th anniversary of George Wallace assassination attempt offers opportunity for reflection
Fifty years ago, on May 15, 1972, I was a student at the University of Alabama and in my Tuscaloosa apartment when a “Special Report” on the television announced that my father, Gov. George C. Wallace, had been shot and critically injured in an assassination attempt on his life. The frontrunner for the Democratic presidential nomination at the time, Dad had been campaigning in Maryland on the eve of that state’s primary. The Michigan primary was scheduled for the next day, as well, and polling predicted that my father would carry both states by wide margins. It was at a parking lot rally in Laurel, Maryland where Arthur Bremer, a troubled, 21-year-old busboy from Milwaukee, took five fateful shots and wounded my father in the chest and abdomen as he was shaking hands in the crowd. Dad later told me that he was immediately aware his injuries were serious, and when he hit the ground, he purposely turned his head, closed his eyes, and pretended to be dead in hopes that a possible second gunman would choose not to shoot. Despite the chaos surrounding him, he had felt a certain peace and finality come over him as he wrongly assumed his wounds would be fatal. A Secret Service agent had kneeled over him in a protective position, but his drawn gun was dangerously close to Dad’s head. “I wish you wouldn’t point that at me – I have been shot enough for one day,” he told the agent. Bremer’s flurry of gunfire had also resulted in Secret Service agent Nick Zarvos being shot in the neck, Alabama State Trooper E.C. Dothard, a member of the gubernatorial security detail, receiving a graze to the stomach, and Dora Thompson, a campaign volunteer from Hyattsville, Maryland, suffering a knee wound after a bullet ricocheted off of the asphalt. A diary that Bremer kept for months stated his intention to “do something bold and dramatic” and indicated he had originally intended to assassinate President Richard Nixon. Stalking the president on his various travels, Bremer got close enough to take a shot at an economic summit in Ottawa, Canada, but the strong Secret Service presence surrounding the chief executive prompted him to change plans and target my father – the most likely future president – instead. Within minutes of receiving the news, state troopers arrived at my apartment door, whisked me to the airport, and placed me aboard a private jet along with Charlie Snider, the national chairman of the Wallace presidential campaign, press secretary Billy Joe Camp, and a handful of others. We soon arrived at Holy Cross Hospital, where my father had been taken by ambulance and was undergoing five hours of emergency surgery. The attending doctors told us that his already grave injuries were complicated by the fact that just prior to the rally, Dad and his traveling campaign staff had stopped at a Howard Johnson’s restaurant, where he ate his usual lunch of hamburger steak and fries doused in ketchup. The bullets had caused the undigested food to explode within his abdomen, and the lingering peritonitis blood infection and abscesses that followed would almost claim his life. When I walked into the recovery room, my father was still heavily sedated and many of the stitches on his chest and stomach were visible. He reached out with a look I had never seen – one of a man who had been to death’s door and was back among the living, reunited with his family. I have never forgotten that look. It soon became clear that the injuries had paralyzed my father from the waist down, and though we held hope that he would eventually regain use of his legs, those particular prayers were left unanswered. He remained hospitalized at Holy Cross for several weeks as he fought infections and held the continuing specter of death at bay. Once he regained strength, he received visits from notable leaders that included President Nixon, Senator George McGovern, Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, and Ethel Kennedy, whose husband, Robert Kennedy, had been killed while campaigning for the presidency in 1968. Cards, letters, telegrams, and flowers flowed into the hospital by the thousands. Upon his release, Dad flew to Miami on a military medical aircraft, which was provided by President Nixon, to appear at the 1972 Democratic National Convention, where McGovern, a committed liberal, would claim the nomination. My father’s forced absence from the campaign trail had allowed his competitor to secure the required delegates. During his convention remarks, Dad warned the Democrats that embracing the extreme left and its ultra-liberal agenda would cost the party the support of the rank-and-file, blue-collar, middle-class families that served as its foundation and doom it to lose the Deep South states in future elections. Like a clairvoyant with a crystal ball, all of the predictions he made those years ago have come true today. As my father spoke, a handful of liberal delegates tried to shout him down, and some marched around the convention hall wearing paper masks depicting Arthur Bremer, which Wallace supporters ripped from their faces. The vast majority, though, gave him a warm reception and appreciated the history of the moment. His mission complete, it was time to return to his beloved Alabama. My father would serve two more terms as governor and run for president a fourth time in 1976, though he lost the nomination to Jimmy Carter, a former Georgia governor who had once been a Wallace supporter. Retirement from public office in 1987 would offer him the opportunity for reflection in his later years, and his relationship with God grew significantly. One of the most enduring and revealing testaments to my father’s deepening faith came in an incredible letter of forgiveness he wrote with no fanfare or public announcement to his assailant, Arthur Bremer, in 1995. A copy of the missive was discovered tucked away in Dad’s files years after it was written. “I love you and have forgiven you, and if you will ask Jesus Christ into your heart,
William Haupt III: Know your rights and how to protect them
“At one time, getting passing grades in civics and U.S. history were prerequisites for high school graduation. Our biggest mistake was to adopt common core and abandon this.” – Michael Polelle Over five decades ago, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965. It established standards to protect the voting rights of all qualified U.S. voters. Contrary to liberal psychosis, the Voting Rights Act applies to every voter equally. It set parameters for each state to engrain within its voting laws. To ensure equality, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed to protect the rights of ethnic minorities. But its core provisions, like the Voting Rights Act, protects the civil rights of all Americans equally. Contrary to leftist logic, neither of these gave more rights to one group and less rights to another. Five decades later, many Americans don’t know the Civil Rights Act protects all citizens from age, gender, ethnic and religious discrimination, in addition to minority groups. Government cannot give any form of preference to one group without abridging the same rights that others are entitled to. As Boomers began to feel the pinch of age prejudice, many forgot that age discrimination is a key provision in the Civil Rights Act. And very few seniors ever filed complaints with the Department of Justice about this. “We are marching for the civil rights of the Negros and those of all Americans.” – Martin Luther King Jr Even fewer Americans know why our states were obliged to update their voting laws after the last election. All states laws must comply with provisions in the Voting Rights Act to protect “all voters.” In response to the mayhem during the 2020 election, when blue states made up new laws as they went along, 43 states updated voting laws to prevent a repeat of the insane bedlam that took place in 2020. Citizens asked state lawmakers to ensure that nobody could ever question how anybody who couldn’t get elected dogcatcher in his own state get the most votes in U.S. presidential history. Since the Constitution obligates states to enforce the Voting Rights Act, after the last election, they reviewed all mail-in voting, counting ballots received after Election Day and ballot drop-boxes. All these issues truncated the intent of the Constitution and Voting Rights Acts. Yet in the woke world, if you don’t win the brass ring or can’t hijack it, you bellyache that your voting rights were violated! By law, states are responsible for updating existing election laws when they do not comply with the Voting Rights Act that protects all individual voting rights. Yet progressives and identity groups are squealing like pigs in a bacon factory? Why are they upset with states trying to protect their rights? The woke society is built on double standards. It can’t exist any other way. Wokes make up laws to justify breaking laws they don’t like. Either play the game their way, or they will take their ball away. “I learned that being ‘woke’ is being brainwashed by extremist liberal propaganda.” – Lillian Fang Until the presidential election of 2000, the merits of the Voting Rights Act were seldom questioned. But the fiasco in Florida proved, if progressives want to win badly enough, no law will ever stand in their way. After five weeks of trying to turn Al Gore into a winner, the choice of our nation’s new leader came not from the citizens, but from a 5-4 majority of U.S. Supreme Court justices. Liberal contempt for our voting rights began long before the 2000 election when blue states started moving to all mail-in voting. They had the national media’s pump primed; there was no way Al Gore could possibly lose. When the media abruptly called the election for Gore, they ended up with egg on their faces, and progressives and their liberal attorneys around the U.S. cried out election fraud! “Hi. I’m Al Gore, and I used to be the next president of the United States of America.” – Al Gore Although liberal media pollsters and pundits had been predicting a landslide victory for Al Gore, in the real world Pew Research, Gallop, and other independent groups pictured a much tighter race. They forecasted that fallout from the Clinton-Lewinsky sex scandal would mobilize conservatives against the left’s loose morality. Al Gore lost the entire south and even his home state, Tennessee. In reaction to allegations about voter fraud, hanging chads, and especially mail-in ballots that were supposedly miscounted, Democrats petitioned Washington to review U.S. voting rights again. The 2005 Commission on Election Reform, chaired by liberals Jimmy Carter and former Secretary of State James Baker, concluded that the biggest threat to voting integrity was with mail-in ballots. “We conclude that mail-in voting remains the largest source of potential voter fraud.” – Jimmy Carter Concerns about vote tampering have a long history in the U.S. They helped drive the move to the secret ballot, which all U.S. states adopted between 1888 and 1950. Secret ballots made it harder to intimidate voters and to monitor which candidate a voter had voted for. One University of Florida study found complaints about fraud fell by an average of 14% after states adopted secret ballots. In woke America, facts are an “inconvenient truth.” There have never been more complaints about denial of individual rights, violations of voting rights, and claims of “systematic racism” coming from people who don’t know the rights “they have” and “do not have” than any time in American history. “I have faith in the United States and our ability to make good decisions based on facts.” – Al Gore In 1865, following the Civil War, the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments and the 19th Amendment in 1920 guaranteed equal rights and universal suffrage for all Americans. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 protected those rights. That is why we must have voter ID laws. Every illegal vote cast nullifies the votes of the legitimate voters. Still,
January 6 committee prepares to go public as findings mount
They’ve interviewed more than 300 witnesses, collected tens of thousands of documents, and traveled around the country to talk to election officials who were pressured by Donald Trump. Now, after six months of intense work, the House committee investigating the January 6 insurrection is preparing to go public. In the coming months, members of the panel will start to reveal their findings against the backdrop of the former president and his allies’ persistent efforts to whitewash the riots and reject suggestions that he helped instigate them. The committee also faces the burden of trying to persuade the American public that their conclusions are fact-based and credible. But the nine lawmakers — seven Democrats and two Republicans — are united in their commitment to tell the full story of January 6, and they are planning televised hearings and reports that will bring their findings out into the open. Their goal is not only to show the severity of the riot but also to make a clear connection between the attack and Trump’s brazen pressure on the states and Congress to overturn Joe Biden’s legitimate election as president. “The full picture is coming to light, despite President Trump’s ongoing efforts to hide the picture,” said Wyoming Rep. Liz Cheney, the committee’s vice chairwoman and one of its two Republican members. “I don’t think there’s any area of this broader history in which we aren’t learning new things,” she said. While the fundamental facts of January 6 are known, the committee says the extraordinary trove of material they have collected — 35,000 pages of records so far, including texts, emails, and phone records from people close to Trump — is fleshing out critical details of the worst attack on the Capitol in two centuries, which played out on live television. They hope to fill in the blanks about the preparations before the attack, the financing behind the January 6 rally that preceded it, and the extensive White House campaign to overturn the 2020 election. They are also investigating what Trump himself was doing as his supporters fought their way into the Capitol. True accountability may be fleeting. Congressional investigations are not criminal cases, and lawmakers cannot dole out punishments. Even as the committee works, Trump and his allies continue to push lies about election fraud while working to place similarly minded officials at all levels of state and local government. “I think that the challenge that we face is that the attacks on our democracy are continuing — they didn’t come to an end on January 6,” said another panel member, Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., also chairman of the House Intelligence Committee. Still, the lawmakers hope they can present the public with a thorough accounting that captures what could have been “an even more serious and deeper constitutional crisis,” as Cheney put it. “I think this is one of the single most important congressional investigations in history,” Cheney said. The committee is up against the clock. Republicans could disband the investigation if they win the House majority in the November 2022 elections. The committee’s final report is expected before then, with a possible interim report coming in the spring or summer. In the hearings, which could start in the coming weeks, the committee wants to “bring the people who conducted the elections to Washington and tell their story,” said the panel’s chairman, Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss. Their testimony, he said, will further debunk Trump’s claims of election fraud. The committee has interviewed several election officials in battleground states, including Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, and Pennsylvania, about Trump’s pressure campaign. In some cases, staff have traveled to those states to gather more information. The panel also is focusing on the preparations for the January 6 rally near the White House where Trump told his supporters to “fight like hell” — and how the rioters may have planned to block the electoral count if they had been able to get their hands on the electoral ballots. They need to amplify to the public, Thompson said, “that it was an organized effort to change the outcome of the election by bringing people to Washington … and ultimately if all else failed, weaponize the people who came by sending them to the Capitol.” About 90% of the witnesses called by the committee have cooperated, Thompson said, despite the defiance of high-profile Trump allies such as Steve Bannon and former White House chief of staff Mark Meadows. Lawmakers said they have been effective at gathering information from other sources in part because they share a unity of purpose rarely seen in a congressional investigation. House Republican leader Kevin McCarthy of California, a close Trump ally, decided not to appoint any GOP members to the committee after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., rejected two of his picks last summer. Pelosi, who created the select committee after Republican senators rejected an evenly bipartisan outside commission, subsequently appointed Republicans Cheney and Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, Trump critics who shared the Democrats’ desire to investigate the attack. “I think you can see that Kevin made an epic mistake,” Kinzinger said. “I think part of the reason we’ve gone so fast and have been so effective so far is because we’ve decided, and we have the ability to do this as a nonpartisan investigation.” Kinzinger said the investigation would be “a very different scene” if Republicans allied with Trump were participating and able to obstruct some of their work. “I think in five or ten years, when school kids learn about January 6, they’re going to get the accurate story,” Kinzinger said. “And I think that’s going to be dependent on what we do here.” Democrats say having two Republicans working with them has been an asset, especially as they try to reach conservative audiences who may still believe Trump’s falsehoods about a stolen election. “They bring to the table perspectives and ability to translate a little bit what is being reflected in conservative media, or how this might be viewed through a
Senate leader, presidential candidate Bob Dole dies at 98
Bob Dole, who overcame disabling war wounds to become a sharp-tongued Senate leader from Kansas, a Republican presidential candidate and then a symbol and celebrant of his dwindling generation of World War II veterans, died Sunday. He was 98. His wife, Elizabeth Dole, said in an announcement posted on social media that he died in his sleep. Dole announced in February 2021 that he’d been diagnosed with stage 4 lung cancer. During his 36-year career on Capitol Hill, Dole became one of the most influential legislators and party leaders in the Senate, combining a talent for compromise with a caustic wit, which he often turned on himself but didn’t hesitate to turn on others, too. He shaped tax policy, foreign policy, farm and nutrition programs, and rights for the disabled, enshrining protections against discrimination in employment, education, and public services in the Americans with Disabilities Act. Today’s accessible government offices and national parks, sidewalk ramps, and the sign-language interpreters at official local events are just some of the more visible hallmarks of his legacy and that of the fellow lawmakers he rounded up for that sweeping civil rights legislation 30 years ago. Dole devoted his later years to the cause of wounded veterans, their fallen comrades at Arlington National Cemetery, and remembrance of the fading generation of World War II vets. Thousands of old soldiers massed on the National Mall in 2004 for what Dole, speaking at the dedication of the World War II Memorial there, called “our final reunion.” He’d been a driving force in its creation. “Our ranks have dwindled,” he said then. “Yet if we gather in the twilight, it is brightened by the knowledge that we have kept faith with our comrades.” Long gone from Kansas, Dole made his life in the capital, at the center of power and then in its shadow upon his retirement, living all the while at the storied Watergate complex. When he left politics and joined a law firm staffed by prominent Democrats, he joked that he brought his dog to work so he would have another Republican to talk to. He tried three times to become president. The last was in 1996 when he won the Republican nomination only to see President Bill Clinton reelected. He sought his party’s presidential nomination in 1980 and 1988 and was the 1976 GOP vice presidential candidate on the losing ticket with President Gerald Ford. Through all of that, he carried the mark of war. Charging a German position in northern Italy in 1945, Dole was hit by a shell fragment that crushed two vertebrae and paralyzed his arms and legs. The young Army platoon leader spent three years recovering in a hospital and never regained use of his right hand. To avoid embarrassing those trying to shake his right hand, Dole always clutched a pen in it and reached out with his left. Dole could be merciless with his rivals, whether Democrat or Republican. When George H.W. Bush defeated him in the 1988 New Hampshire Republican primary, Dole snapped: “Stop lying about my record.” If that pales next to the scorching insults in today’s political arena, it was shocking at the time. But when Bush died in December 2018, old rivalries were forgotten as Dole appeared before Bush’s casket in the Capitol Rotunda. As an aide lifted him from his wheelchair, Dole slowly steadied himself and saluted his one-time nemesis with his left hand, his chin quivering. In a vice presidential debate two decades earlier with Walter Mondale, Dole had famously and audaciously branded all of America’s wars that century “Democrat wars.” Mondale shot back that Dole had just “richly earned his reputation as a hatchet man.” Dole at first denied saying what he had just said on that very public stage, then backed down and eventually acknowledged he’d gone too far. “I was supposed to go for the jugular,” he said, “and I did — my own.” For all of his bare-knuckle ways, he was a deep believer in the Senate as an institution and commanded respect and even affection from many Democrats. Just days after Dole announced his dire cancer diagnosis, President Joe Biden visited him at his home to wish him well. The White House said the two were close friends from their days in the Senate. Biden recalled in a statement Sunday that one of his first meetings outside the White House after being sworn-in as president was with the Doles at their Washington home. “Like all true friendships, regardless of how much time has passed, we picked up right where we left off, as though it were only yesterday that we were sharing a laugh in the Senate dining room or debating the great issues of the day, often against each other, on the Senate floor,” Biden said. “I saw in his eyes the same light, bravery, and determination I’ve seen so many times before.” Biden ordered that U.S. flags be flown at half-staff at the White House and all public buildings and grounds until sunset Thursday. Dole won a seat in Congress in 1960, representing a western Kansas House district. He moved up to the Senate eight years later when Republican incumbent Frank Carlson retired. There, he antagonized his Senate colleagues with fiercely partisan and sarcastic rhetoric, delivered at the behest of President Richard Nixon. The Kansan was rewarded for his loyalty with the chairmanship of the Republican National Committee in 1971 before Nixon’s presidency collapsed in the Watergate scandal. He served as a committee chairman, majority leader, and minority leader in the Senate during the 1980s and ’90s. Altogether, he was the Republicans’ leader in the Senate for nearly 11½ years, a record until Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell broke it in 2018. It was during this period that he earned a reputation as a shrewd, pragmatic legislator, tireless in fashioning compromises. After Republicans won Senate control, Dole became chairman of the tax-writing Finance Committee and won acclaim from deficit hawks and others for his handling of a 1982 tax
Texas abortion ban stays in force as justices mull outcome
More than two weeks have passed since the Supreme Court’s extraordinarily rushed arguments over Texas’ unique abortion law without any word from the justices. They raised expectations of quick action by putting the case on a rarely used fast track. And yet, to date, the court’s silence means that women cannot get an abortion in Texas, the second-largest state, after about six weeks of pregnancy. That’s before some women know they’re pregnant and long before high court rulings dating to 1973 that allow states to ban abortion. There has been no signal on when the court might act and no formal timetable for reaching a decision. The law has been in effect since Sept. 1, and the court has been unable to muster five votes to stop it, said Mary Ziegler, a legal historian at Florida State University’s law school. “While there is some sense of urgency, some justices had more of a sense of urgency than others,” Ziegler said. Meanwhile, the justices are two weeks away from hearing arguments in another abortion case with potentially huge implications for abortion rights in the United States. The court will take up Mississippi’s call to overrule the two major Supreme Court rulings that, starting in 1973, have guaranteed a woman’s right to an abortion. The state law at issue bans abortions after 15 weeks, well before the point at which a fetus can survive outside the womb. Viability, typically around 24 weeks, has been the dividing line: Before it, states can regulate but not ban abortion. Even before the justices decide what to do about Mississippi’s law and the fate of Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey, Texas’ law has effectively changed the standard, at least for the time being. It bans abortion after cardiac activity is detected in the fetus, usually around six weeks, and deputizes ordinary citizens to enforce the law in place of state officials who normally would do so. The law authorizes lawsuits against clinics, doctors, and anyone who “aids or abets” an abortion that is not permitted by law. It was designed to make federal court challenges difficult, if not impossible. Federal courts have had no trouble preventing other bans on abortion early in pregnancy from taking effect when they have relied on traditional enforcement. The Texas law is doing what its authors intended. In its first month of operation, a study published by researchers at the University of Texas found that the number of abortions statewide fell by 50% compared with September 2020. The study was based on data from 19 of the state’s 24 abortion clinics, according to the Texas Policy Evaluation Project. Texas residents who left the state seeking an abortion also have had to travel well beyond neighboring states, where clinics cannot keep up with the increase in patients from Texas, according to a separate study by the Guttmacher Institute. The Supreme Court is weighing complex issues in two challenges brought by abortion providers in Texas and the Biden administration. Those issues include who, if anyone, can sue over the law in federal court, the typical route for challenges to abortion restrictions, and whom to target with a court order that ostensibly tries to block the law. Under Supreme Court precedents, it’s not clear whether a federal court can restrain the actions of state court judges who would hear suits filed against abortion providers, court clerks who would be charged with accepting the filings, or anyone who might someday want to sue. People who sue typically have to target others who already have caused them harm, not those who might one day do so and not court officials who are just doing their jobs by docketing and adjudicating the cases. The justices’ history with the Texas law goes back to early September when, by a 5-4 vote, they declined to stop it from taking effect. At the time, five conservative justices, including the three appointees of President Donald Trump, voted to let the law take effect. Chief Justice John Roberts joined the court’s three liberals in dissent. The abortion providers had brought the issue to the court on an emergency basis. After they were rebuffed, the Justice Department stepped in with a suit of its own. U.S. District Judge Robert Pitman granted the Justice Department’s request for an order that put the law on hold. Pitman wrote in a 113-page ruling that the law denied women in Texas their constitutional right to an abortion, and he rejected the state’s arguments that federal courts shouldn’t intervene. But just two days later, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals overrode Pitman and allowed the law to go back into effect. The Justice Department made its own emergency appeal to the Supreme Court. Rather than rule on that appeal, the court decided to hear the two suits just ten days later and without the benefit of an appellate court decision. At the arguments, two Trump appointees appeared to have doubts about the Texas law. Justices Amy Coney Barrett and Brett Kavanaugh questioned whether the law allowed people who are sued to air their constitutional claims in court and whether it would lead to a spate of copycat laws on abortion and other rights protected by the Constitution. The court seemed particularly concerned about the “chilling effect” similar laws would produce on other constitutional rights, including speech, religion, and gun possession, said Sarah Marshall Perry, a legal fellow at the Heritage Foundation. The court’s intervention has few counterparts in recent history, and those include Bush v. Gore, the fight over the publication of the government’s secret history of the Vietnam War known as the Pentagon Papers, and Richard Nixon’s effort to keep from handing over the Watergate tapes that ultimately doomed his presidency. The justices have never said why they opted to hear the Texas cases so quickly or how soon they might be decided. The time since the arguments is less than a blink of an eye in high-court terms, where months typically elapse between arguments and a decision. But the justices themselves created the expectation
Jim Zeigler: The meaning of Memorial Day
A three-day holiday weekend. Barbecues, lakes, beaches. The unofficial start of summer. But let us not forget the real meaning of Memorial Day. In 1868, Decoration Day was established as a time for the country to decorate with flowers the graves of fallen soldiers in the War Between the States. After World War I, Decoration Day was changed to remember all soldiers who lost their lives in war. On May 11, 1950, Decoration Day became Memorial Day, and in 1971, President Richard Nixon declared Memorial Day a federal holiday and set it on the last Monday in May. We need to be mindful of the ultimate sacrifice brave men and women made as they served our country. Since 2000, Americans have been asked to join in a moment of remembrance at 3:00 p.m. local time on Memorial Day Monday. This time of reflection offers us the opportunity to pause and think seriously about how the American way of life is made possible by those who died serving their country. John McCrae’s famous poem “In Flanders Fields” reminds us that the torch of freedom is passed to us from those who died in service. We are “to hold it high.” Going forth, let us do exactly that as we remember the great cost of freedom and those who paid with their lives for us to enjoy our freedoms. Jim Zeigler has been the state auditor for Alabama since 2015.
Donald Trump faces ‘incitement of insurrection’ impeachment charge
As the House prepares for impeachment, President Donald Trump faces a single charge — “incitement of insurrection” — over the deadly riot at the U.S. Capitol, according to a draft of the articles obtained by The Associated Press. Lawmakers are set to introduce the legislation Monday, with voting mid-week. Pelosi’s leadership team also will seek a quick vote on a resolution calling on Vice President Mike Pence and Cabinet officials to invoke the 25th Amendment. The four-page impeachment bill draws from Trump’s own false statements about his election defeat to Democrat Joe Biden; his pressure on state officials in Georgia to “find” him more votes; and his White House rally ahead of the Capitol siege, in which he encouraged thousands of supporters to “fight like hell” before they stormed the building on Wednesday. A violent and largely white mob of Trump supporters overpowered police, broke through security lines and windows, and rampaged through the Capitol, forcing lawmakers to scatter as they were finalizing Biden’s victory over Trump in the Electoral College. “President Trump gravely endangered the security of the United States and its institutions of Government,” the legislation said. The bill from Reps. David Cicilline of Rhode Island, Ted Lieu of California, Jamie Raskin of Maryland, and Jerrold Nadler of New York, said Trump threatened “the integrity of the democratic system, interfered with the peaceful transition of power” and “betrayed” trust. “He will remain a threat to national security, democracy, and the Constitution if allowed to remain in office,” they wrote. Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Ca., said Monday on CBS, “We need to move forward with alacrity.” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi says the House will proceed with legislation to impeach Trump as she pushes the vice president and the Cabinet to invoke constitutional authority to force him out, warning that Trump is a threat to democracy after the deadly assault on the Capitol. A Republican senator, Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania, joined Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska over the weekend in calling for Trump to “resign and go away as soon as possible.” Lawmakers warned of the damage the president could still do before Joe Biden is inaugurated Jan. 20. Trump, holed up at the White House, was increasingly isolated after a mob rioted in the Capitol in support of his false claims of election fraud. Judges across the country, including some nominated by Trump, repeatedly dismissed cases and Attorney General William Barr, a Trump ally, said there was no sign of any widespread fraud. “We will act with urgency, because this President represents an imminent threat,” Pelosi said in a letter late Sunday to colleagues emphasizing the need for quick action. “The horror of the ongoing assault on our democracy perpetrated by this President is intensified and so is the immediate need for action.” During an interview on “60 Minutes” aired Sunday, Pelosi invoked the Watergate era when Republicans in the Senate told President Richard Nixon, “It’s over.” “That’s what has to happen now,” she said. Pence has given no indication he would act on the 25th Amendment. If he does not, the House would move toward impeachment. Toomey said he doubted impeachment could be done before Biden is inaugurated, even though a growing number of lawmakers say that step is necessary to ensure Trump can never hold elected office again. “I think the president has disqualified himself from ever, certainly, serving in office again,” Toomey said. “I don’t think he is electable in any way.” Murkowski, long exasperated with the president, told the Anchorage Daily News on Friday that Trump simply “needs to get out.” A third, Sen. Roy Blunt, R-Mo., did not go that far, but on Sunday he warned Trump to be “very careful” in his final days in office. On impeachment, House Democrats would likely delay for 100 days sending articles of impeachment to the Senate for trial, to allow Biden to focus on other priorities. Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., said that instead of coming together, Democrats want to “talk about ridiculous things like ‘Let’s impeach a president’” with just days left in office. Still, some Republicans might be supportive. Nebraska Sen. Ben Sasse said he would take a look at any articles that the House sent over. Illinois Rep. Adam Kinzinger, a frequent Trump critic, said he would “vote the right way” if the matter were put in front of him. The Democratic effort to stamp Trump’s presidential record — for the second time — with the indelible mark of impeachment advanced rapidly after the riot. Rep. David Cicilline, D-R.I, a leader of the House effort to draft impeachment articles accusing Trump of inciting insurrection, said Sunday that his group had 200-plus co-sponsors. Potentially complicating Pelosi’s decision about impeachment was what it meant for Biden and the beginning of his presidency. While reiterating that he had long viewed Trump as unfit for office, Biden on Friday sidestepped a question about impeachment, saying what Congress did “is for them to decide.” Republished with the permission of the Associated Press.
