A look at the redistricting process in every state
Districts for U.S. Congress and state legislatures are redrawn every 10 years after each U.S. census. In most places, that task is done by state lawmakers. Gerrymandering can occur when they draw boundaries that favor certain people or political parties, typically those already in power. To try to diminish the role of partisan politics, some states use appointed commissions for their redistricting duties. Those commissions have varying degrees of political independence from lawmakers. A look at how each state handles redistricting: ALABAMA Districts for Congress and the state legislature are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. ALASKA A 1998 amendment to the state Constitution created a five-person board to handle redistricting for state House and Senate seats. Two members are appointed by the governor and one each by the presiding officers of the House and Senate and the chief justice of the Supreme Court. Alaska has only one district for Congress. ARIZONA Districts for Congress and the state legislature are drawn by a five-person commission created by a voter-approved ballot measure in 2000. Twenty-five potential redistricting commissioners are nominated by the same state panel that handles appeals court nominees. The legislature’s two Republican leaders choose two commissioners from 10 Republican candidates, and the two Democratic leaders choose two from their party’s 10 nominees. Those four commissioners then select the fifth member, who must be an independent and serves as chairman. ARKANSAS A panel consisting of the governor, attorney general and secretary of state draws state legislative districts. Congressional districts are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. CALIFORNIA Districts for the state legislature and Congress are drawn by a 14-person commission, the result of voter-approved ballot measures in 2008 and 2010. A state auditor’s panel takes applications and selects 60 potential redistricting commissioners – 20 Democrats, 20 Republicans and 20 others. The state Assembly and Senate majority and minority leaders each can eliminate two nominees from each political category. Eight redistricting commissioners are randomly selected from the remaining pool of candidates. Those commissioners then select the six other members of the panel. It takes nine votes to approve the districts. COLORADO State legislative districts are drawn by an 11-member commission. The majority and minority party leaders of each legislative chamber each appoint one member, the governor appoints three and the chief justice of the Supreme Court appoints four. Congressional districts are drawn by the state legislature, subject to a gubernatorial veto. CONNECTICUT Districts for Congress and the state legislature require a two-thirds vote of approval from each state legislative chamber. If lawmakers fail to pass a plan, the task falls to a nine-member commission. The majority and minority party leaders of each legislative chamber each appoint two commissioners and the panel then picks its ninth member. DELAWARE State legislative districts are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. Delaware has only one congressional district. FLORIDA Districts for Congress and the state legislature are both drawn by state lawmakers. Congressional districts are subject to a gubernatorial veto. The legislative districts are not, but are automatically reviewed by the state’s Supreme Court. GEORGIA Districts for Congress and the state legislature are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. HAWAII Districts for Congress and the state legislature are drawn by a nine-person commission. The Senate president and House speaker each appoint two commissioners. The minority legislative party appoints two commissioners who, in turn, pick two more. The ninth commissioner is chosen by the other eight members of the panel. IDAHO Districts for Congress and state legislature are drawn by a six-member commission. The majority and minority party leaders in each legislative chamber each select one person to serve on the commission; the state chairmen of the Republican and Democratic parties also each select a commissioner. Two-thirds of the commissioners must vote to approve a map. Commissioners cannot be government officials or lobbyists. ILLINOIS Congressional districts are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. Lawmakers also are responsible for drawing state legislative districts, but if they fail, that task falls to an eight-member commission. The majority and minority leaders of each legislative chamber each choose two commissioners – one lawmaker and one citizen. If the panel fails to approve new districts by a majority vote, the state Supreme Court submits the names of two individuals from different parties and one is randomly chosen as a ninth member of the commission. An initiative proposed for the November ballot would shift congressional and state legislative redistricting to an 11-member citizens commission. INDIANA State legislative districts are drawn by lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. Lawmakers also are responsible for drawing congressional districts, but if they fail, the task falls to a five-member commission. The panel consists of the top-ranking lawmaker and redistricting committee chairman from each chamber, as well as a lawmaker picked by the governor. IOWA The nonpartisan Legislative Services Agency provides the legislature with a draft redistricting plan for both Congress and the state legislature. If lawmakers reject it, the panel submits a new plan. If legislators reject the second version, a third plan is prepared. But unlike the first two, the third version can be amended by lawmakers before they vote on it. KANSAS Districts for Congress and the state legislature are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. The state legislative plan is automatically sent to the state Supreme Court for review. KENTUCKY Districts for Congress and the state legislature are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. LOUISIANA Districts for Congress and the state legislature are drawn by state lawmakers, subject to a gubernatorial veto. MAINE A 15-member commission drafts redistricting plans for Congress and the state legislature and submits those to the legislature. Lawmakers can either enact those plans or approve their own plan by a two-thirds vote of each chamber. The House speaker and minority leader each appoint three members, and the Senate majority and minority leaders each appoint two to the commission.
Jac VerSteeg: Picture Donald Trump at the head of an army
The 2016 presidential race hasn’t had any official votes yet. But as things are shaping up for two candidates with Florida ties – Jeb Bush and Donald Trump – the contest already has bearing on at least two constitutional issues. They are whether contributing money to candidates is a form of protected free speech; and whether the president, as commander-in-chief, can usurp Congress’ constitutional power to declare war. The specific situations that raise these issues are, first, the fact that Bush’s immense campaign fund – he and his allies reportedly already have spent $100 million on advertising – has not vaulted Jeb to a preeminent position in the polls. Second, Trump’s provocative macho military and immigration proposals have led an increasing number of critics to label him a fascist with no regard for constitutional constraints on executive power. How would commander-in-chief Trump wield military power? Most other candidates also take an aggressive military stance. Will Congress, which has been meek or inactive on this front for more than a decade, reassert its proper authority? Jeb’s embarrassing poll numbers routinely show him at 5 percent or less, or about 20 points behind Trump. If Bush’s actual election results fulfill those dismal predictions, he unquestioningly will have done his party one very big favor. He will have provided evidence to counter the mostly Democratic critics of the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling, which basically held that money is speech and super PACS can spend as much as they like. Jeb’s debacle is shaping up to provide overwhelming proof that money does not always corrupt the democratic process. True, there are all kinds of counter arguments. Trump, with his flair for attracting free media coverage, is a unique candidate. And it is likely that any post mortem of spending in 2016 elections across the board – including the House and Senate and state and local elections – would show a clear connection between spending and electoral success. But Bush and his supporters have spent so much money in such a high-profile race that it will be Exhibit No. 1 in any debate about overturning Citizens United. An interesting related question is, of course, why hasn’t spending gobs of money translated into success for Bush? The “product,” the pitch or both are faulty. However, a major factor has to be Trump’s rhetoric and its appeal to a large and motivated segment of the GOP base. Trump’s speaking style, the outrageous content of his proposals – ban all Muslims, Mexicans are rapists, etc. – his encouragement of supporters in his audiences to physically intimidate protesters, all have encouraged commentators and cartoonists to compare him to Hitler and Mussolini. Members of Congress should be looking at Trump and asking themselves what would he do as commander-in-chief? In fact, they should already have been acting to regain control over what President Barack Obama has done as commander-in-chief. Obama got America involved in Libya, which led to Benghazi. He is incrementally increasing the U.S. military’s involvement in and around Syria and has ordered thousands of air strikes against Islamic extremists. Congress, which according the constitution has sole authority to declare war, has refused through all of this to debate and approve updated authority for the president to prosecute a “war” against ISIS. That’s a shocking dereliction of duty, and it significantly affects Florida, which has a leading military presence. The cowardly motive for inaction is clear. Congress does not want to stop the president from making war, but it also does not want to approve or guide his actions. Because Congress wants to avoid blame, Congress avoids action. That could be disastrous no matter who is elected president in 2016. Pundits say Trump has no chance of being elected. They also said he would fade by now. He hasn’t. Congress should imagine him at the head of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines. That should scare Congress into action. Jac Wilder VerSteeg is a columnist for The South Florida Sun Sentinel, former deputy editorial page editor for The Palm Beach Post and former editor of Context Florida.
